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ROUND THE WORLD
US-Pakistan Security Ties
INDIA: NO ROOM FOR COMPLACENCY
By Dr. Chintamani Mahapatra
(School of International Studies, JNU)
New Delhi, December 31, 2007
Some US officials claim that Pakistan used most of the
money supplied by the US as part of a military assistance
programme to combat Al Qaeda and their supporters has been
diverted by the Musharraf regime to bolster the Pakistani
military capability vis-à-vis the Indian military.
This assertion is undoubtedly correct, but why has this
realization come now and not earlier? Was it a mistake or an
unintentional omission to monitor the destination of the US
money? Did the US have either motivation or interest or need
to monitor? Can anything be done about it?
There is no dispute that the war on terror was fought with a
high doze of sentiments, uncontrolled passion and an all
pervasive fear to use the strategic partners against the
terrorist threats. The Bush Administration was well aware and
the then Secretary of State Colin Powel had given his views
during official discussions that the war on terror could not
be decisively won without the help of Pakistan.
The Bush Administration used the proverbial carrot and stick
approach to enlist Pakistan, under military rule, as a
frontline ally against the Al Qaeda and the Taliban regime of
Afghanistan. The stick was the use of threat and the carrot
was the billions of dollars worth of military and economic
assistance to a military ruler that was under coup-related
sanctions. Musharraf after brief shilly-shallying agreed to
play ball.
At least, on the surface President Musharraf sounded committed
to fighting the Al Qaeda and announced several policy changes
some of which were music to even the Indian ears. The Bush
White House was very munificent in spending money on Pakistan
with the hope that Osama bin Laden would be brought to
justice, the Al Qaeda would be eliminated at least from South
Asia and Afghanistan would emerge as a normal country with a
friendly Government.
While Pakistan lost about a thousand of its soldiers and
policemen, offered logistic support to the US and the
coalition forces in bringing down the Taliban regime in Kabul
and accepted the US offer of a major non-NATO ally status, the
above-mentioned goals of the US have not been by and large
fulfilled.
President George Bush will step down from office in January
2009. He has barely 12 months to go. What he could not achieve
in the last six years, especially in bringing to justice Osama
bin Laden, can he do so during the remaining period of his
term? When assessments and cost-benefit analysis are being
attempted, Pakistan’s performances are bound to figure. And
that is what has happened.
This is not the first time that Islamabad has made full use of
its alliance with Washington to bolster its military
capabilities against India. From its very birth, Pakistan has
been suffering from a sort of complex that impels it to
oppose, compete and, if possible, damage India beyond repair.
When non-aligned New Delhi was critical of alliance politics,
Islamabad was rather excessively willing to join the US-backed
alliances. The US was more interested in fighting communism
and particularly the former Soviet Union. Pakistan had little
to do with containing communism, but it sought to make
judicious use of its America connection to build up its
military.
When sophisticated US weapons made a way into Pakistan under
various programmes, Indian leaders and analysts criticized or
condemned such deals. Some American Administrations sought to
explain that the US weapons supply to Pakistan was not aimed
against India. Neither New Delhi was convinced nor did
Islamabad refrain from using those weapons against India
during its wars with its neighbour.
During the ten-year Afghan crisis sparked off by the Soviet
military intervention in Afghanistan, Pakistan got highly
sophisticated and modern US weapons. It was able to acquire
nuclear weapon capability through clandestine activities that
were not unknown to the American intelligence community.
The recently de-classified materials of the Nixon era also
throw much light on Pakistan’s incessant desire for a military
build-up against the backdrop of its threat perception. In a
way, successive Pakistani Governments, both civilian and
military, have been obsessed with India and the current
military regime is no exception.
While promising to end cross-border terrorism, reforming the
terrorist incubators in the madrasas, instituting
confidence-building measures with India and cooperating with
New Delhi in vigorously participating in a peace process,
Musharraf has always sought to modernize his military with the
help of US money and materials.
To Musharraf’s advantage, the Government of India and Indian
commentators have practically ceased to take due note of
Pakistan’s military modernization. First, there is a notion in
certain circles that Pakistan, like India, is a nuclear weapon
power and there is no longer any need to monitor its
conventional capabilities.
Secondly, some have developed a quiet satisfaction over the
country’s improving security ties with Washington and ignore
the US arms transfer to Pakistan. Thirdly, Pakistan’s internal
instability marked by the rising trend of terrorist attacks in
the country and the Pakistan army’s engagement in its North
West Frontier Province have given a negative assurance that
Pakistan could pose no security threat to India. Last but not
the least, the chanting of ‘India: the Emerging Global Player”
appears to have inculcated a false sense of security among the
national security policy team in India.
Had the Indian warning on the arms transfer issue, though in a
different tone, been served to US policy makers, the recent
discovery of Pakistan diverting US funds to build up its
military preparedness vis-à-vis India rather than to
strengthen its counter-insurgency capabilities would have been
made much earlier.
India need not overreact to Pakistani military build up and
its efforts to alter the military balance in South Asia. It
would not be proper for an aspiring global power to do so. But
under-estimating the significant military developments in
South Asia, particularly in Pakistan, could be terribly
counter-productive.
India should not sleep peacefully with the hope that the US,
after discovering Pakistani misuse of its funds, would stop
equipping that country’s military with sophisticated weapon
systems. On the other hand, we should learn that the sole
super power of the world gives considerable attention to
events and issues in neighbouring Cuba! --- INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)
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